Class 4: Parties

representatives

Opening notes

Presentation groups

Remember: topic to me at least by Week 4

Presentations line-up
Date Presenters Method
15 May: Idil M., Zeynep P., Liesl W., Selin K., Chiara W. logistic regression
22 May: Gabriel W., Lina M., Florian S., Julian B. discourse analysis
29 May: NO CLASS MEETING
  • no more regression presentationssee syllabus for some of the other options
Date Presenters Method
5 June: Rasmus B., Andre D., Josefine E., Ioanna L., Santiago C. regression
12 June: Omar B., Lela E., Niclas W. TBD
19 June: NO CLASS MEETING
26 June: Colombe I., Konstantin S., Jakob W., Veronika L. TBD
26 June: Maksim K., Felix S., Jon L.D., Damir S., Korbinian M. case study
Date Presenters Method
3 July: Alexander V., Luis G., Oscar O., Mia C. TBD
10 July: Lina S., Stephen W., Philomena B., Aarón Z. TBD
17 July: Corinna Z., Eva M., and Rostislav N. TBD
24 July: Sebastian K., Thomas R., Emilia Z., Florian P. TBD
24 July: Lorenz F., Daniel B., Fiona W., Medina H. TBD

Opening questions

How is the ‘average’ party structured? What do members, representatives, leaders do?

What about far-right parties’ members, representatives, and leaders might be significantly different from other parties’?

German parties’ demographics

A QR code for the survey.

Take the survey at https://forms.gle/gqu5hQXJMwgc1X6UA

  • youngest/oldest average MPs? highest/lowest percentage of women and people with migration backgrounds?

Percentage of women MPs - hunch

Highest

Lowest

Oldest/youngest MPs - hunch

Youngest

Oldest

Percentage of MPs with migration background - hunch

Highest

Lowest

_

Now, let’s see how those hunches measure up to the facts

Percentage of women MPs

Oldest/youngest MPs

Percentage of MPs with migration background

Refresher on party membership concepts

  • party activists or members tend to hold more radical views than the average party voter
    • median voter theorem: parties should converge toward the centre to win elections, but…
    • activists/members: typically more committed and engaged; typically have stronger ideological
      • impact through party primaries and internal decision-making
  • descriptive representation: extent to which elected officials resemble the demographic characteristics of constituents
  • substantive representation: degree to which elected officials advocate and act for their constituents’ needs, preferences, or policy concerns, regardless of shared demographic traits

Variation among far-right parties

  • Common traits
    • predominantly male activist/member bases
    • typically less (but not ‘no’) ethnic/racial diversity in membership and representation
  • Notable divergences
    • differences of party membership size
      • e.g., Dutch PVV, 1 member (Wilders); Indian BJP, 170 million
    • internal party differences
      • loosely constrained (personalist parties): centralised, leader dominates
      • highly constrained: party rules, intra-party competition

Factionalism within far-right parties

  • frequent divisions between national and regional/local level representatives
  • open question of whether local representatives more radical or more pragmatic

Party leaders

  • who ‘typically’ leads far-right parties
    • any trend change between historical and contemporary cases?
    • any difference from other parties in how these figures become party leaders?

Party leaders - functions (Salvini)

Party leaders - support, symbolism, cooperation

What (party) leaders do

  • ‘leading tasks’ (cf. Earl 2007 on leadership in movements):
    1. articulating vision and ideology,
    2. engaging the political environment,
    3. framing the party and its issues,
    4. managing relations with other parties and non-party actors,
    5. making strategic decisions,
    6. organizing specific actions/campaigns,
    7. managing the internal life of the party,
    8. innovating and entrepreneurial activity, and
    9. providing social capital (relationships and networks)

When things go wrong…

  • consequences of malfeasance or mismanagement?
  • tacit or explicit complicity in wrongdoing?

Party leaders - punitive

Le Pen 2025 embezzlement conviction - 5-year ban on holding office

Party leaders - prohibitive

Golden Dawn leader Nikos Michaloliakos arrested (Greece)

Deep-dive: gender in far-right parties

  • Far-right party voters are predominantly male. Why? What do these parties offer women voters? Why not vote for the far right?
  • Example of Marine Le Pen
  • article: Weeks et al. (2022)
  • replication: Guinaudeau and Jankowski (2024)
  • reply: Weeks et al. (2024)

Marine Le Pen (Front National/Rassemblement National)

  • took over party leadership from father (J.M. Le Pen) in 2011
    • FN history of under-performing with women voters
      • ‘radical right gender gap’ decreasing with Marine as leader

Radical right voters (Weeks et al. 2022)

do these patterns hold outside Europe? Outside ‘the West’?

Women far-right representatives (Weeks et al. 2022)

When Do Männerparteien Elect Women?

Women far-right representatives

  • Women often occupy important positions in far-right parties, in terms of visibility or as leaders. Why/why not?
  • Jobbik/Mi Hazank (HU): Dóra Dúró
  • Front National (FR): Marine Le Pen
  • (NOR) Siv Jensen and Sylvi Listhaug
  • AfD (DE): Frauke Petry, then Alice Weidel
  • FdI (IT): Giorgia Meloni
  • Do other parties act similarly (e.g., strategic use of candidate selection)?

Weeks et al. (2022)

RQ: Under what conditions do we see an increase in RRP parties’ women MPs? Given that RRP parties have traditionally held very conservative views on the role of women in society, what accounts for this increase in women’s representation?

  • Theory: strategic descriptive representation: “attract new voters without necessarily altering core issue positions” (p2)
  • Data: European women MPs and voter support: 187 parties, 30 countries, 1985-2018
    • three sets of factors: party ideology, party organizational structures, and women’s activism within the party
  • Methods: Multilevel random intercept models (inferential stats); two typical, “on-the-line” studies: PVV in 2017 and SVP in 2015

Weeks et al. (2022) - only radical right

Weeks et al. (2022)

LOW M/F voter ratio HIGH M/F voter ratio
LOW electoral threat Status quo: Party does well among men and women, and at the polls. No need to include more women in party. Strategic Exclusion (H1b): Party with a men-dominated electorate that gains votes doubles down on exclusion of women in the party.
HIGH electoral threat Status quo: Party already attracts women voters, so will not target women voters as a strategy to improve vote share Strategic Inclusion (H1a): Party with a men-dominated electorate that loses votes elects women to appeal to untapped women voters.

Reading a regression table

Remember: regression is a tool for understanding a phenomenon as a linear function (generally) → (y = mx + b)

  1. Numbers not in parentheses next to a variable: regression coefficient: expected change in DV for a one-unit increase in IV. NB: ositive or negative relationship?

  2. Numbers inside parentheses next to a variable: standard error: estimate of the standard deviation of the coefficient

  3. Asterisks/‘stars’: statistical significance: probability of results as extreme as observed result, under the assumption that the null hypothesis is correct. Smaller p-value means such an observation would be less likely under null hypothesis; hence, significance. Statistical significance suggests more precise estimates—NOT necessarily that one IV is more important than another.

Weeks et al. (2022)

Weeks et al. (2022)

Replication and rebuttal (Guinaudeau and Jankowski 2024)

  • findings of Weeks et al. (2022) driven by single outlier
    • Front Naitonal that elected 2 MPs in 2012 (one woman; variables as proportions)
  • without outlier, cannot reject null hypothesis (too few observations)

Reply (Weeks et al. 2024)

  • Guinaudeau and Jankowski (2024) misunderstand treatment of outliers
  • should not ‘arbitrarily delete one influential case but not another’
    • “When all influential cases are removed, and not just the observation of FN in 2012, our key findings do not change.”

Deleting correctly-coded higher influence observations makes the sample an inaccurate representation of the population, and thus can lead to improper inferences about a population, particularly in a small population like the data on radical right populist parties in Europe.

far-right parties’ electoral performance - discussion (lead-in to next week)

under what conditions far-right candidates are more electable?

Any questions, concerns, feedback for this class?

Anonymous feedback here: https://forms.gle/pisUmtmWdE13zMD58

Alternatively, send me an email: m.zeller@lmu.de

References

Earl, Jennifer. 2007. “Leaderless Movement The Case of Strategic Voting.” American Behavioral Scientist 50 (10): 1327–49.
Guinaudeau, Benjamin, and Michael Jankowski. 2024. “Do Radical-Right Parties Use Descriptive Representation Strategically? A Replication of Weeks Et Al. (2023).” Institute for Replication - Discussion Paper Series, no. 149.
Weeks, Ana Catalano, Bonnie M Meguid, Miki Caul Kittilson, and Hilde Coffé. 2022. “When Do Männerparteien Elect Women? Radical Right Populist Parties and Strategic Descriptive Representation.” American Political Science Review, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0003055422000107.
———. 2024. “Response to "Do Radical-Right Parties Use Descriptive Representation Strategically? A Replication of Weeks Et Al. (2023)".” Institute for Replication - Discussion Paper Series, no. 150.