Class 4: Causes, Radicalisation, Mobilisation

Selecting violent/nonviolent strategies

Opening notes

Presentation groups

Presentations line-up
Date Presenters Method
4 Dec: Shahadaan, Kristine, Daichi ethnography
11 Dec: Bérénice, Zorka, Victoria, Katharina TBD
18 Dec: Shoam, Aidan, Tara, Sebastian TBD

Klausur preview

  • structure of an essay
    1. Broad introductory response
    2. Elaborate in (sufficient) detail to answer the questions
    3. Describe examples
    4. Concluding summary

Klausur preview (1)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

Klausur preview (1)

  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

  1. Broad introduction

Foreign fighters are individuals who travel to a conflict zone from another territory. In other words, foreign fighters are individuals who engage [remember, about behaviours] in violent activity, which also suggests they have radicalised [remember, about attitudes] to some extent. Home countries have a variety of options for dealing with returning foreign fighters …

Klausur preview (2)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

Klausur preview (2)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

  1. Elaborate in detail

Foreign fighters travel to engage in violent conflict. They might do so for ideological reasons (including religious motivations), for material benefit, or because of connection to others who travel to the conflict zone (network/interpersonal causes). The extent of radicalisation underlying these reasons for becoming a foreign fighter vary, but the engagement in violence is clear. Given the fighters’ engagement in violence and possible criminal consequences of their activities, home countries face a challenge of how to deal with their return. Broadly, state authorities might praise returning foreign fighters, ignore/disregard, refer to intervention programmes, arrest and/or prosecute, or even take measures to prevent their return (e.g., revoke citizenship) …

Klausur preview (3)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

Klausur preview (3)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

  1. Describe examples

Recent research on ISIS foreign fighters (Morris 2023) identified common profiles for foreign fighters in the conflict in Syria: young, male, unmarried, urban, well-educated. These characteristics might be applicable to other cases. To assess whether such profiles of foreign fighters are generalizable, one might examine foreign fighters in historical cases, such as the Spanish Civil War where whole brigades of combatants were composed of volunteers from abroad, or contemporary conflicts, such as the Russian war on Ukraine where foreign fighters have formed part of both sides of the conflict. In any case, foreign fighters returning to their home countries can pose a dilemma for state authorities. German state authorities, for instance, might praise and heroise, such as (some) UK authorities did for fighters returning from Spain in the 1930s; the state might criminalise them, prosecuting and jailing for violent activity, such as with some fighters for ISIS returning from Syria…

Klausur preview (4)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples
  1. Concluding summary

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

Klausur preview (4)

  1. Broad introduction
  1. Elaborate in detail
  1. Describe examples

What does ‘foreign fighter’ mean? Who becomes a foreign fighter? How can ‘home’ countries deal with returning foreign fighters?

  1. Concluding summary

The existence of foreign fighters is a longstanding and common form of political violence. Their motivations and characteristics may vary, but by definition they all engage in violence. Their exposure to and engagement in violence can pose threats to their home state and society when they return from conflict zones. States therefore may respond in several ways to minimise the danger of fighters acting violent upon their return.

Forming presentation groups

  • 2-4 students
  • rank three possible dates for presentation
  • for later:
    1. find research article of interest
    2. what method is used: is it of interest too?

A conceptual framework of strategy

  • strategy defined
  • elements of strategy
  • drivers of strategy selection
  • example from a non-violent but disruptive group
  • example from a violent group

Basic, intuitive definition of strategy

strategy refers to the approach of an actor(s) to achieve their (political) objectives—connecting actions to goals (means to an end)

  • extant definitions identify some elements, e.g.,
    • “a combination of a claim (or demand), a tactic, and a site (or venue)” (Meyer 2007, 82)
    • Ganz (2010, 9): targeting, tactics, timing
      • some overlap with the ‘patterns of violence’ framework discussed in Class 1
  • BUT strategy does NOT always or in every situation include using violent tactics
    • many groups use mixed strategies of violence and non-violence

Elements of strategy

  • informative element: objective(s) (why): what are the actor(s) goals? minimalist vs. maximalist objectives
  • target (what/who) - what entity is being acted upon?
    • involves choice to commit resources to specific outcomes
  • tactics (how) - types of collective action and their form
    • attempt to deploy strengths, exploit target’s weaknesses
  • site/venue (where) - what place or what forum type is action taken?
  • timing (when) - when are tactics employed against targets
    • ‘some moments, often fleeting, promise greater opportunity than others’ … (cf. Grzymala-Busse 2011)

Elements of strategy

  • informative element: objective(s) (why): what are the actor(s) goals? minimalist vs. maximalist objectives
  • target (what/who) - what entity is being acted upon?
  • tactics (how) - types of collective action and their form
  • site/venue (where) - what place or what forum type is action taken?
  • timing (when) - when are tactics employed against targets

What are the strategic elements of politically violent groups you know?

Drivers of strategy selection

  • strategy is be a product of (rational) choice

BUT…

  • it is also a part collective identity (cf. Polletta and Jasper 2001)
    • strategy also involves moral and emotional committments

An example from the news…

How can we characterise the group’s strategy here?

Tagesschau
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eT9nr9_em0k&pp=ygUebGFzdCBnZW5lcmF0aW9uIHByb3Rlc3QgYmVybGlu

An example from ‘the 43 Group’

An example from ‘the 43 Group’

post-war Labour government, witnessing low-level fascist-party organising and agitation…

Beckman (2013):

On Tuesday May 21st [1946], [James] Chuter Ede, the Home Secretary, received a deputation from the JDC [Jewish Defence Committee, part of the Board of Deputies of British Jews] led by the Chairman, Gordon Liverman … They listened to the deputation and said they would consider all the points raised, but nothing tangible happened.

documentary about 43 Group: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oBusQBSCAHY

Poll: strategy formation and effect

A QR code for the survey.

Take the survey at https://forms.gle/r9YgxUNgRx4RfGQz7

  • most important factor shaping the strategy of a (possibly) politically violent group?
  • do maximalist goals require more violent/extreme strategies?
  • is popular support important for a group to take politically violent action?
  • main possible strategic advantage of using violence?

most important factor shaping the strategy of a (possibly) politically violent group?

Poll results

‘maximalist’ goals = more violent/extreme strategies?

Popular support important for violent action?

‘maximalist’ goals and concomitant strategies

Piven and Cloward (1979, xxi–xxii)

… by endeavoring to do what they cannot do, organizers fail to do what they can do… all too often, when workers erupted in strikes, organizers collected dues cards; when tenants refused to pay rent and stood off marshals, organizers formed building committees; when people were burning and looting, organizers used that ‘moment of madness’ to draft constitutions.

Poll results: possible strategic advantage of violence?

Example from the FARC

recall…

  • Territory of action: Colombia
  • Organisational structure: hierarchical
  • Membership: large
  • (main) Objective: leftist revolution
  • (common) Targets: state institutions, other paramilitaries
  • Repertoire of actions: kidnapping, terrorism, drug trade

Violent strategy, TIMING, and three climacterics

  • 1964: FARC, leftist militant organisation mobilises
    • Domestic factors: (longstanding and extreme) inequality, emerging from a 10-year civil war, La Violencia
    • International factors:

Violent strategy, TIMING, and three climacterics

  • 1964: FARC, leftist militant organisation mobilises
    • Domestic factors: (longstanding and extreme) inequality, emerging from a 10-year civil war, La Violencia
    • International factors: Castro in Cuba, for one…
  • 1982: FARC shifts strategic orientation to seize power
    • International factors:

Violent strategy, TIMING, and three climacterics

  • 1964: FARC, leftist militant organisation mobilises
    • Domestic factors: (longstanding and extreme) inequality, emerging from a 10-year civil war, La Violencia
    • International factors: Castro in Cuba, for one…
  • 1982: FARC shifts strategic orientation to seize power
    • International factors: revolutions in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala
  • 2012: (new) peace talks between FARC and government
    • Domestic factors:
    • International factors:

Violent strategy, TIMING, and three climacterics

  • 1964: FARC, leftist militant organisation mobilises
    • Domestic factors: (longstanding and extreme) inequality, emerging from a 10-year civil war, La Violencia
    • International factors: Castro in Cuba, for one…
  • 1982: FARC shifts strategic orientation to seize power
    • International factors: revolutions in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala
  • 2012: (new) peace talks between FARC and government
    • Domestic factors: (1) ‘Plan Colombia’ (esp. under Uribe) cracks down on narcotics trafficking and guerrillas; (2) FARC commander, Alfonso Cano, killed by army in late 2011; (3) FARC membership/strength sinks from highs of $$20,000 to 7,000
    • International factors: U.S. funding ‘Plan Colombia’ (upwards of $10 billion) — though also funding the FARC through population’s cocaine purchases…

Points for consideration

  • Higher institutionalisation discourages the use of violence (Caiani and Borri 2012, 14)
    • the case of FARC argues against this hypothesis
      • FARC was disciplined and had stringent rules, decided on an overall strategy through organisational conferences and they were resource-rich - i.e., a high degree of institutionalisation
    • there is no straightforward deterministic relationship between institutionalisation and (violent) strategy selection
  • FARC violence used strategically and not randomly … more likely to be exercised when it can be legitimised, but also that the members adhered to this strategy. How and why does FARC manage to maintain this discipline? - Possible explanations?

Example of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna

recall…

  • Organisational structure: hierarchical
  • Membership: large
  • (main) Objective: leftist revolution, independent state
  • (common) Targets: state institutions
  • Repertoire: kidnapping, terrorism
  • founded 1959 by Basque students - formally dissolved in 2018
  • 1992 ‘Bidart raid’ decapitates ETA leadership, but…

Bietan jarrai (‘Keep up on both’)

ETA (Lafaye and Brochard 2022)

Period Context Type of struggle
1959-1975 Context Anti-Francoist, action-repression-action strategy
1977-1981 Democratic transition Offensive against Spanish state
1982-1992 Gov. elected, democracy stabilised War of attrition
post-1992 Democracy stabilised Fewer actions by ETA
  • justifying new data collection (critiquing Sánchez-Cuenca 2009)
    • all encompassing, ‘blanketing’ data collection (Hutter 2014)
    • focusing on actions rather than victims

Peaks of ETA’s armed offensive (Lafaye and Brochard 2022)

ETA (Lafaye and Brochard 2022, 2470)

Whenever an underground organisation resorts to using explosives—rather than executions with handguns—the results of its actions take an unpredictable turn, despite precautions by the perpetrators, when it is not their intention to cause the largest possible number of victims. The intention to kill or not to kill targets is part and parcel of the strategy of an illegal political group but the number affected cannot be planned beforehand.

  • some famous examples of unpredictability…
    • Greenwich Village explosion: 1970 Weather Underground bombs (intended for U.S. NCOs dance, Columbia Univ., and Fort Dix) accidentally explode in lower Manhatten
    • Belfast ‘own goals’: accidental explosions (esp. in 1970s) northern Ireland, by both IRA and Protestant paramilitaries. IRA reportedly lost more than 120 members through premature explosions or accidental shootings…
    • 1993 Shankill Road bombing (detonated while placing in chippie)

ETA - strategic use of violence

  • intense post-truce actions
  • ahead of negotiations
  • during elections

ETA (Lafaye and Brochard 2022, 2471)

ETA endeavoured to take its place on the public scene, as a political player. It did this in various ways: either by increasing the intensity of its actions after a truce had been broken, or to influence the “balance of the dialogue” before negotiations; or during elections, when democratic structures were just beginning to be established in Spain, i.e. in the 1970s, and in the early 2000s, or when political negotiations were being held in civil society so that they could influence the search for a solution to the conflict.

Briefly on selecting (and maintaining) nonviolence

  • Mironova and Whitt (2022)
  • one noteworthy (other) example

Selecting (and maintaining) nonviolence (Mironova and Whitt 2022)

  • those who experienced “abuse at the hands of government forces are more likely to justify violence in response to government provocation.”
    • BUT “socializing effects of nonviolent activism” builds self-discipline and restraint
    • we also find that identity and associational cleavages and divisions within a movement need not undermine protest commitment and dedication to non-violence.
  • … “Saunders et al. (2012) who urge scholars ‘to avoid treating protesters as a homogenous group’ (p. 263), distinguishing instead among novices, returners, repeaters, and stalwarts.”

Maintaining nonviolence (cf. Mironova and Whitt 2022)

Any ideas what’s going on here?

Maintaining nonviolence (cf. Mironova and Whitt 2022)

Woolworth’s lunch counter. Seated activists: John Salter, Joan Trumpauer, and Anne Moody.

A final discussion point

At what point can a (politically) violent action by a self-proclaimed ‘lone actor’ be attributed to a politically violent group?

Any questions, concerns, feedback for this class?

Anonymous feedback here: https://forms.gle/NfF1pCfYMbkAT3WP6

Alternatively, please send me an email: m.zeller@lmu.de

References

Beckman, Morris. 2013. The 43 Group: Battling with Mosley’s Blackshirts. New York: Perseus Press.
Caiani, Manuela, and Rossella Borri. 2012. “Between Violent and Non-Violent Action Strategies: A Study on Extreme-Right Organizations in Italy and Spain,” no. July.
Ganz, Marshall. 2010. Why David Sometimes Wins: Leadership, Organization, and Strategy in the California Farm Worker Movement. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Grzymala-Busse, Anna. 2011. “Time Will Tell? Temporality and the Analysis of Causal Mechanisms and Processes.” Comparative Political Studies 44 (9): 1267–97. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414010390653.
Hutter, Swen. 2014. “Protest Event Analysis and Its Offspring.” In Methodological Practices in Social Movement Research, edited by Donatella della Porta, 335–67. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lafaye, Caroline Guibet, and Pierre Brochard. 2022. “Methodological Approach to the Evolution of a Terrorist Organisation: ETA, 1959–2018.” Quality & Quantity 56 (4): 2453–75. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-021-01203-w.
Mironova, Vera, and Sam Whitt. 2022. “Maintaining Nonviolent Selfdiscipline in Hostile Protest Environments : Evidence from the 2019 Baghdad Protests.” Social Movement Studies 00 (00): 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2070466.
Morris, Andrea Michelle. 2023. “Who Becomes a Foreign Fighter? Characteristics of the Islamic State’s Soldiers.” Terrorism and Political Violence, January, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2022.2144730.
Piven, Francis Fox, and Richard A Cloward. 1979. Poor People’s Movements. New York: Vintage Books.
Polletta, Francesca, and James M Jasper. 2001. “Collective Identity and Social Movements.” Annual Review of Sociology 27 (1): 283–305.