Class 8: Politically Violent Activity

Election-related violence

Opening notes

Presentation groups

Presentations line-up
Date Presenters Method
4 Dec: Shahadaan, Kristine, Daichi ethnography
11 Dec: Bérénice, Zorka, Victoria, Katharina content analysis
18 Dec: Shoam, Aidan, Tara, Sebastian QCA

Starter questions

What actors might strategically use violence before or during an election? Why?

Can you think of any cases of election-related violence?

Harbers, Richetta, and van Wingerden (2022) - concepts

electoral violence (p. 3): “coercion directed towards actors and/or objects during the electoral cycle … part of a menu of electoral manipulation, which includes threats and coercion targeting voters, candidates and officials involved in the process”

  • intra-systemic violence
    • “try to win under the existing system”
    • “suppress or drown out the voices of political opponents”
  • anti-systemic violence
    • “burn down the house and alter the status quo”
    • “depress participation as much as possible in order to undermine the legitimacy of the election”

Harbers, Richetta, and van Wingerden (2022) - concepts

  • intra-systemic violence
    • “try to win under the existing system”
    • “suppress or drown out the voices of political opponents”
  • anti-systemic violence
    • “burn down the house and alter the status quo”
    • “depress participation as much as possible in order to undermine the legitimacy of the election”
  • examples from cases? any difference in the form of violence? applicable beyond modern democracies? (e.g., KKK, Wilson, and The Birth of a Nation)

Harbers, Richetta, and van Wingerden (2022) - concepts

  • intra-systemic violence

  • anti-systemic violence

  • examples from cases? any difference in the form of violence?

    • intra-systemic: riots or group clashes between party supporters and violent attacks on candidates, politicians or voters. … ‘booth capture’, where armed goons take over polling places
    • anti-systemic: coercion of or threats against candidates, voters, poll workers or security, as well as destruction of election infrastructure

intra-systemic violence (left) and anti-systemic violence (right) in India, 1985-2008

Harbers, Richetta, and van Wingerden (2022) - design

  • research aim: looking at sub-national election-related violence in India: what effect on electoral outcomes (DVs: turnout, incumbent vote percentage) does violence before elections (IV) have?
  • Method: series of fixed-effects and Poisson regression models
    • \(\hookrightarrow\) fixed-effects - intercept of model varies across units/cases to control for unvarying attributes of specific units/cases
    • \(\hookrightarrow\) Poisson - often used to model ‘count’ data
  • Data (collection procedure detailed on p. 8):
    • Times of India (ToI) new reports, sub-national elections
    • Unit of analysis/case: constituency-year
    • coded: violence intra-systemic or part of armed group’s tactic

Reg table, DV: turnout

what findings can you pick out?

Reg table, DV: turnout

  • intra-systemic and anti-systemic violence are negatively associated with turnout (in separate and combined models)
  • intra-systemic violence, the negative effect emerges only for non-lethal events (88.2% of all intra-systemic violence in data). Coefficient for lethal events is not significant.
  • effect of anti-systemic violence on turnout is stronger than the effect of intra-systemic violence (Model 3)

Reg table, DV: incumbent vote

what findings can you pick out?

Reg table, DV: incumbent vote

  • violence is associated with fewer votes for the constituency-level incumbent party
  • positive interaction term (\(\beta\) = 7.993***) indicates … the negative effect of violence is diminished if the incumbent is aligned with the state government
    • suggests that within non-aligned constituencies, intra-systemic violence is targeted at supporters of the state-level opposition

Harbers, Richetta, and van Wingerden (2022) - conclusions

  • violence decreases turnout but that the effect is larger for anti-systemic violence
  • intra-systemic violence appears intended to selectively depress turnout among opposition supporters
  • anti-systemic violenceextremely effective in terms of keeping voters away from the polls and thus discrediting the electoral results due to low participation rates
    • ethics question: qualms about reporting this finding?
  • open data on subnational violence: Zhukov, Davenport, and Kostyuk (2019)

how should states respond to electoral violence?

Back to Violence / Nonviolence

  • background: Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)
  • Kudelia (2018) and the case of Euromaidan in Ukraine
    • a puzzling case?
    • productive and counter-productive effects of violence
    • findings
  • concluding question

Background: study of Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

  • research aim: determine relative success of nonviolent (‘civil resistance’ - Gene Sharp) or violent resistance
  • cases of violent and non-violent campaigns between 1900 and 2006: 323 cases

Background: study of Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

  • cases of violent and non-violent campaigns between 1900 and 2006: 323 cases
    • inferential stats analysis of data
    • new dataset: Dahl et al. (2025)
    • three case studies: Philippine people power movement (1983–86), FALANTIL struggles for East Timor independence (1988–99), and Burmese civil resistance (1988–1990)
  • non-violent more than twice as likely to achieve full or partial success compared to violent cases

Background: study of Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

Pay attention to the mechanisms that Prof. Chenoweth specifies in her brief explanation

Background: study of Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

Pay attention to the mechanisms that Prof. Chenoweth specifies in her brief explanation

  • nonviolent campaigns are better at eliciting broad and diverse support
  • nonviolent campaigns create more defections among the opposition
  • nonviolent campaigns have a broader set of tactics at their disposal
  • nonviolent campaigns often maintain discipline even in the face of escalating oppression

Kudelia (2018) - refining Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

  • Ukraine’s Euromaidan
    • what’s going on in this case?
      • Yanukovych’s regime: semi-authoritarian
  • violent protests occurred…
    • but accounted for just 12 percent of all protests
    • yet concentrated in final month (Jan.-Feb. 2014) and in Kyiv

Kudelia (2018) - refining Chenoweth and Stephan (2011)

  • Ukraine’s Euromaidan
    • what’s going on in this case?
      • Yanukovych’s regime: semi-authoritarian
  • violent protests occurred…
    • but accounted for just 12 percent of all protests
    • yet concentrated in final month (Jan.-Feb. 2014) and in Kyiv

“The success of violent protest tactics in Ukraine’s case, puzzling from the standpoint of recent findings, has received no systematic, theoretically-driven scholarly treatment.”

(empirically, theoretically) puzzling or not…

  • Kudelia (2018) - within-case qualitative process tracing of “actors’ choices using a rationalist theoretical”
    • rationalist = strategic choice rather than spontaneous reaction

(counter-)productive effects of violence - Kudelia (2018)

  • violence counter-productive
    1. alienate current and potential supporters
    2. provoke a coercive response
    3. dampen international support for protests
  • violence productive
    1. participatory character of protest violence
    2. embeddedness of violent groups and practices in a generally non-violent movement (radical flanks)
    3. capacity and willingness of violent activists to escalate beyond the cost-tolerance threshold of the regime
      • i.e., how much will regime tolerate? will it offer concessions?

Kudelia (2018) - findings

  • violence complementing already and continuing high mobilisation is effective in making regime more sensitive to protest costs
  • “a regime’s repressive escalation may decrease net participation costs by broadening support for militants among rank-and-file protesters and outside sympathizers”
  • two-tiered orgs.: a violent vanguard and a non-violent base
    • strengthens the leverage of moderate opposition elites in bargaining with the regime
    • when used in conjunction with non-violent actions in response to intensifying repression, it may deter the regime or even tip the balance of power against it.
  • your thoughts on these findings?

Concluding discussion

Relationship across a movement:

how do (or should) nonviolent actors deal with violent actors/groups within their movement (‘radical flanks’)? Infighting or solidarity?

Any questions, concerns, feedback for this class?

Anonymous feedback here: https://forms.gle/NfF1pCfYMbkAT3WP6

Alternatively, please send me an email: m.zeller@lmu.de

References

Chenoweth, Erica, and Maria J. Stephan. 2011. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: Columbia University Press.
Dahl, Marianne, Sirianne Dahlum, Hanne Fjelde, Haakon Gjerløw, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Carina Strøm-Sedgwick, and Tore Wig. 2025. “Mass Mobilization in the Modern Era: Introducing the Opposition Movements and Groups (OMG) Dataset, 1789–2019.” Comparative Political Studies, August, 00104140251369330. https://doi.org/10.1177/00104140251369330.
Harbers, Imke, Cécile Richetta, and Enrike van Wingerden. 2022. “Shaping Electoral Outcomes: Intra- and Anti-systemic Violence in Indian Assembly Elections.” British Journal of Political Science, October, 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123422000345.
Kudelia, Serhiy. 2018. “When Numbers Are Not Enough: The Strategic Use of Violence in Ukraine’s 2014 Revolution.” Comparative Politics 50 (4): 501–21.
Zhukov, Yuri M, Christian Davenport, and Nadiya Kostyuk. 2019. “Introducing xSub: A New Portal for Cross-National Data on Subnational Violence.” Journal of Peace Research 56 (4): 604–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022343319836697.